From the late-seventeenth to the mid-eighteenth century, Britain adopted a policy of salutary neglect, restraining from strictly enforcing colonial policies. Salutary neglect decreased British influence, leaving the colonies largely to govern themselves. With increased autonomy, British-American colonies developed distinct social and political structures. Socially, colonies developed a skill and wealth-oriented hierarchy that rejected noble titles. Politically, colonies established a governmental structure with great individual representation. Though limited, these two aspects allowed for more flexibility and movement between social classes. The distinct social and political structures created a strong longing and high probability for upward social mobility, thus arousing collective optimism among colonial Americans towards achieving this goal; such optimism was shared by all social groups despite varying limitations.
Strong longing for upward social mobility was deeply rooted in colonial America since the early settlements and was furthered by fear of downward social mobility. Most early settlers immigrated to America to escape deprivation and inequality, or to start a better life. One example of such is the Puritans, who fled from religious persecution in 1630. In “A Modell of Christian Charity,” John Winthrop, an early Puritan leader, describes his high standards for the Massachusetts Bay Colony by using the phrase, “a citty upon a hill.” This phrase shows Winthrop’s wish to find religious prosperity in a revered colony, successfully illustrating the positive expectations of early settlers for the new American life. This collective longing for prosperity laid the foundation of America and was passed down to later generations. Furthermore, colonial Americans feared downward social mobility more than those of other countries because freedom existed at extreme degrees. Hierarchically lower groups were discriminated against and rarely had societal and economic freedom while higher groups took advantage of these groups. For example, colonists gained prosperity by “depriving Native Americans of their land and, in some colonies, on importing large numbers of African slaves as laborers.” This idea of a powerful-dominating society became a norm, and in order to avoid being part of a weaker, subjugated group, colonial Americans remained unsatisfied with their current social standings and worked to rise up the hierarchy. Fortunately, this strong longing was met with a reasonable chance of upward social mobility.
Due to the unique skill and wealth-oriented social hierarchy, colonial Americans enjoyed an elevated probability for upward social mobility and thus, had more hope for achieving this goal. Without a titled aristocracy like Britain, the colonial social hierarchy comprised of the wealthy and clergy on the top followed by skilled professionals, indentured servants and women, free blacks, and slaves. This hierarchy formed because skills were more impactful in the relatively underdeveloped colonial America than in countries like Britain. For instance, when Jamestown was established in 1607, the leadership skills of John Smith, who “imposed a regime of forced labor,” and the agricultural skills of John Rolfe, who perfected the growth of tobacco, saved the colony from disease and starvation. No matter the bloodline, valuable skills were of great importance, hence opening doors for even the lowest class to climb up the hierarchy. Moreover, even in religiously-devoted colonies, skilled professionals still acquired wealth and power. For example, in New England colonies where clergies dominated society, artisans enjoyed “a great degree of economic freedom” and merchants accumulated enough wealth to challenge key religious policies. Since with skill and wealth, even the top of the hierarchy was reachable, colonial Americans remained optimistic for upward social mobility. Nonetheless, regardless of skill or wealth, the distinct political structure of colonial America allowed every individual to influence major decisions.
All colonies had some form of representative self-government which allowed social groups to advocate for favorable policies that increased the probability and hope for a better social status. This political structure formed because prominent governing bodies needed to appeal to the settlers in order to maintain a successful colony. For example, when James Oglethorpe and his fellow philanthropists created Georgia in 1732, they banned liquor and slaves, only to face significant opposition from settlers. Without public support, the proprietors were powerless. “Colonists quickly won the right to an elected assembly that repealed the ban on slavery and liquor as well as measures that had limited landholdings.” Repealing the ban and limitations allowed settlers, especially farmers, more labor sources and wealth, consequently raising their status in the skill and wealth-oriented hierarchy. This representative self-government emerged in all of the colonies, contributing to the collective optimism towards rising up the hierarchy. Though such governments emerged in the Old World as well, they were especially beneficial to colonial Americans.
In colonial America, wide land distributions allowed a large population to pass the property requirement to vote in the representative self-government, yet again increasing the hope for upward social mobility. To prove, historians estimate that “between 50 and 80 percent of adult white men could vote in eighteenth-century colonial America, as opposed to fewer than 5 percent in Britain.” Such public involvement in politics surely provided more opportunities to advocate for favorable, hierarchically beneficial policies. Unfortunately, at this time, only free, white men were allowed to pass the property requirement and acquire political representation. Women, indentured servants, slaves, and other social groups did not have the same privilege.
Despite a lack of political representation, the aforementioned groups still shared the optimism for upward social mobility because the social and political structures of colonial America allowed representation in other forms. For instance, Bacon’s rebellion was supported by powerless groups like small farmers, landless men, indentured servants, and Africans. Though failed, this attempt achieved desired changes in policies. This is because as mentioned, prominent governing bodies had to appeal to all settlers, even those without voting rights, in order to achieve colonial success. Moreover, the emergence of unique social ideologies like Lockean liberalism, which argued liberty as one of the untouchable rights of individuals, “opened the door to poor, women, and even slaves to challenge limitations on their own government.” Such ideologies lowered the level of discrimination experienced in different hierarchical classes and made the boundaries between these classes more fluid. Furthermore, some colonial policies even allowed the overcoming of clear gender barriers. One example of such is “Margaret Brent, who arrived in the Chesapeake in 1638, acquired land, managed her own plantation, and acted as a lawyer in court.” She was able to do so because, uniquely in colonial America, a woman without a husband could use her unmarried status to perform men-dominated works. In a society where women worked for men, Margaret worked amongst men, voicing herself regardless of gender barriers. These examples show that despite varying limitations, all social groups had a relatively high probability of climbing up the hierarchy, leading to the formation of optimism.
Overall, distinct social and political structures of colonial America led to the strong will and high possibility for prosperity, contributing to the emergence of collective hope for upward social mobility. Although free, property-owning white men had the highest probability of rising up the hierarchy, social and political factors still allowed the representation of overlooked groups, helping to form optimism among all social groups. This early American identity influenced monumental rebellions, movements, and reforms of later centuries.
Bibliography
Foner, Eric. Give Me Liberty! : an American History. 6th ed. New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 2019.
Winthrop, John. “A Modell of Christian Charity (1630).” Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3rd series, 7 (1838).
